All Clud / Dumbarton Rock

All Clud  / Dumbarton Rock
All Clud / Dumbarton Rock

Wednesday, 27 April 2016

Ethnic Cleansing?

There are different levels to this question. In the first instance, we can talk about the physical survival of the British inhabitants so they could go on and have children, the survival of their material culture; the survival of their language - and the non material culture transmitted through it, or the survival of their ethnic identity, however modified, even after they stopped speaking Cumbric.

Johnathan Shaw quotes the historian Michael McCormick who says that by the eighth century, English civilisation considered itself completely Anglo-Saxon, spoke only Anglo-Saxon and thought that everyone had "come over on the Mayflower as it were." [35]  To all intents and purposes since that time the English have not generally acknowledged any descent from the Britons and characterise the indigenous Britons as "Welsh" who have been subjected to centuries of racial abuse and derision.  Shaw reports findings from a DNA study that explored DNA from Y chromosomes, i.e. those passed from father to son, and found that on a line from east to west, British men had not passed down their Y chromosomes and instead the Y chromosomes were Germanic. English town dwellers were  "indistinguishably genetically" from the inhabitants of the Dutch province of Friesland.   However, the persistence of mitrochondrial DNA suggests the survival of British females. The study concluded that there had been a massive replacement of native men. The article also talks about the lower status of Britons and Anglo-Saxons in early English law. 

As a comparison, the Y chromosomes of part of Colombia are 95% European, but the mitochondrial DNA (inherited from the mother) is 95% native American. This supports a view of conquering men taking the local women they want.  This is not surprising, we see it to this day where conquering fighters take the local women.

The British monk Gildas writes of the savage attacks of the Anglo-Saxons on the Britons and paints a picture of the genocide of the Britons at the hands of the Anglo-Saxons [36].  Nennius presents the Anglo-Saxon conquest and the British resistance very much as an ethnic conflict [37].  Bede is critical of the Britons and virulent against some of them. He is clearly an English writer and the Britons are a foreign people of low regard. He builds a case for the supremacy of his own English people [38] Bede referring to the Northumbrian king Aethelfrith says that he ravaged the Britons more cruelly than any other English leader [28].

The Anglo-Saxon chronicle has repeated entries on how the Anglo-Saxons slew thousands of the Britons (or Welsh) and took their land . One entry for 607 says "If the Welsh will not have peace with us, they shall perish at the hands of the Saxons".

The poetry cycle called Canu Heledd talks about how the Lloegrwys  (the English) come and despoil. Owain ab Urien in the battle of Gwen Ystrad talks about how the Lloegrwys sleep with a light in their eyes (i.e. are dead). Armes Prydein Vawr talks about a battle to be fought between the Cymry and the Saxons. In retrospect, this has always been presented as an ethnic conflict.

Though some authors have played down the ethnic nature of the conflict between Briton and Saxon that led eventually to the almost total Anglicisation of the once British island, I think to do so is to see it with an Anglocentric eye. The Welsh have never forgotten that the island was theirs and the continued erosion of their language and culture is a continuation of a struggle that has gone on for 1500 years. It began in Anglo-Saxon times, continued with the Acts of Unions and the Victorian attempt to eradicate Welsh through the education system. Bedwyr Lewis Jones, professor of Welsh at Bangor, and expert on place-names, when asked by a newspaper in the 1990s,  what his greatest regret was said the Coming of the Saxons.  

In terms of the survival of the Britons, O'Sullivan, using possibl out of date information on place-name distributions makes the still valid observation that in Devon, which came under Anglo-Saxon control around the same time as our region came under Northumbrian control in the 7th Century, British place-names are only about 1% of the total. She notes that in the modern county of Cumbria they are common in the north but rare in the south - around the same as Devon in south Cumbria. She quotes Kenneth Jackson's view that the names in the north of Cumbria date from the expansion of Strathclyde in the 10th Century and I infer from that she is suggesting that without the re-conquest of Cumberland by the Strathclyde Britons, the number of British names, and therefore the extent of British linguistic survival in Cumbria would be about the same as in Devon [39]

There is more to ethnicity than language and Angus Winchester looked at the pattern of multiple estates in Cumbria. He said that the multiple estate which has its administrative core around the mother church and lord's dwelling in the lowland fringe, then had large area of upland to exploit. He identifies the church at Brigham and the later castle at Cockermouth with the Derwent Fells as the common upland, then St Bees as the church with the later castle at  Egremont and lord's holdings at Coulderton with uplands into Ennerdale. Then at Millom with uplands in Dunnerdale. He finds the same pattern around Furness and says it is repeated across Cumbria and Southern Scotland [40]. The tenants held the land with tributes in cornage - a tax paid in cattle - and seawake on the Cumberland coast, which he argues is an ancient practice of watching the coast - we could fantasise how ancient - back to Roman times maybe?  Winchester talks about the duty of tenants to work on bordland - which seems to be a translation of the Welsh tir bwrdd - with the identical purpose of proving food for the lord's table [40].  Winchester cites G W S Barrow, who believed that these multiple estates found throughout Northern England and Southern Scotland were Celtic in origin, and thus the Anglo-Saxons had taken them over, with or without their original Britons.


Cornage - the payment of cattle tribute is the distinguishing features of Cumberland, Westmorland, Northumberland and Durham and North Lancashire. It is equivalent to the Welsh commorth and was known in Northumbria as metreth de vacca  - that is the Cumbric word metreth apparently meaning cow  tax (Welsh bu treth   though mu for bu "cow, head of cattle" can occur so a possible Cumbric/Welsh mu trethF-  ) of cows [41]. There is little doubt that this is a survival of British practices into Anglo-Saxon times.  In North Lancashire the beltancu  was the May Cow - equivalent to the Welsh treth Calan Mai. 

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