Pol, Pow, Pool, Pwll - Pwll Dwr, Powter, Potter...

Cartherit or Cartheril, an old name for Castlerigg near Keswick (with a side trip to Arthuret)

Cartherit, appears to be an older name for Castlerigg NY277227. It appears on Ogilby's map of 1675.  It appears as Cartheril on Bowen & Kitchen's map of 1760.  Possibly both from an older map? I am tempted to see Cumbric caer here, where caer equates to the  Castle-  in Castlerigg. The Low Nest Farm website discusses the location of Cartherit. It says that the Castle refers to the Castlerigg Stone Circle or the Roman fort that was adjacent to it. The Low Nest farm with local knowledge say later maps change Cartherit to Brow Top, i.e. the top of Nest Brow. So, Caertherit might have been the Cumbric name for the settlement enear Castlerigg stone circle (and Roman fort ruins). The text accompanying Ogilby's map says "Then descending pass thro' Cartherit-V (i.e. village), and at 29'4 (miles from Kendal) to Keswick…"

 -therit is more difficult to interpret than caer. Firstly consider Welsh terydd, "ardent, furious" (see James, 2016). This has been proposed as the second element of Arthuret NY378674. Arthuret is supposed to be the site of the Battle of Armterid where Gwenddolau fought Peredur and Gwrgi and Rhydderch Hael of Strathclyde in 573. This has been interpreted as Arf + Terydd "swift or terrible weapon/arms". James pefers ardd "height" + terydd, which makes more sense as the church stands on a bluff above the River Esk. I find it difficult to see terydd in a place name, unless perhaps a river name, "ardent, furious". The Esk is the Celtic name, Terydd, could have been the local name for that stretch of the river. 

 Caer + terydd would give Caerderydd not *Caerdderydd. The -t could be explained because Old English had no /-ð/ and substituted /-d/ cf. Minehead and Long Mynd, both from mynydd. The final /-d/ would be devoiced as normal to /-t/ in Scots/Cumberland English. But I am struggling to find an element that fits this in Welsh, Cornish or Breton.
 
However, if, Carithet refers to the stone circle or the Roman ruins, we would expect the second element to elaborate on it. Another version of the name is Catheril 1760. This might allow us to see the name as  Caerddryll where dryll has two meanings - "fragment" or "spear, javelin" (in Modern Welsh it means gun).  The Melville Richards archive gives various Welsh place-names with dryll, e.g Cae Dryll y Maen Llwyd near Llanwyddan, Byr Ddrylliau near Arllechwedd, Beudy Drylliau - all in Caernarfonshire, Allt y Dryll near Fishguard in Pembrokeshire. In most of these the meaning seems to be "fragment", apart from the last where it could well be "spear".  So Caerddryll would mean Fort of the Spear, which is equivalent to Dunpelder in East Lothian and similar to Drumpellier in Lanarkshire.

 Cartheril - Caer Ddryll - "Fort of the Spear", or "Fort in Bits."

 Phonologically /kairðrɨɬ  > English karðəril ~ karθəril/ with the name later replaced by English Castlerigg.

River Cocker NY 158 258 and Cogra Moss NY 095 195

River Cocker NY 158 258  Koker c. 1170, Kok' 1195, Coker  13015

PNCu p9 suggests this is a Celtic name from British *cucrā'.  Ekwall in Place-names of Lancashire notes the same river name as the Cocker in Lancashire, and in Cockerton in Durham (Ekwall, 1922). Ekwall cites Stoke's derivation of the Irish cúar from Celtic *kukrā. The terminal - ā would lower the initial u to o (Jackson, 1953: 573). The meaning would be twisting, winding. In Welsh there is the phrase cogr-droi (GPC), which is also found in mutated form as gogr-droi. The GPC relates to the word to gogr "sieve, strainer", but I think that there was probably an adjective cogr meanining "twisting" from with the Cumbrian Cocker and the others derive.

Related I think is -

Cogra Moss NY 095 195 . I can't find a discussion of this in PNCu. The earliest form of the name is Cogra Moss 1867, but Whaley says the name is obscure (Whaley, 2006). I think this contains a Cumbric name for the Rakegill Beck, namely Cogr with the Norse á "river" added later. The form cogr with /g/ rather than /k/ shows that it was borrowed from Cumbric speakers after the development of /-g-/ in English at the end of the Old English period, the end of the 11th Century. Cocker is borrowed earlier, possibly towards the beginning of Northumbrian control in the 7th Century.

Clockhoe, Aspatria NY1442

Clockhoe, a lost field name in Aspatria Parish  NY1442. The last element seems to be Old English hōh "a spur of land" or possibly Old Norse haug(r) 'hill, mound'. The First element seems to be Cumbric clog  Welsh clog, "rock, cliff, precipice" and Cornish clog "steep rock" and Irish cloch "stone".  I can't think of, or find a steep prominent stone face in the Aspatria area.

Or it is the Cumbric plural clogou treated as if it had +how 

Alan James discusses this element, though not this particular name and he gives Cockleroy Hill near Torphichen and Drumclog in Lanarkshire as examples

Cloffocks NX995290

Cloffocks NX995290 Fyt Cloffhow n.d. , Two Cloffocks 1660, High Cloffock, Middle and Low Cloffocks 1749

PNCu p361 derives this from Old English clōh "a deep valley or ravine" and hōh " a spur" and they cite Ekwall's comparison of  it with Clougha in Lancashire.  The 1867 OS map shows an area of marsh and creeks adjoining the river Derwent, hence the  name fyt in the undated form is from Old Norse fit "a meadow," usually by a river.

I think the second element is unlikely to be hōh because that wouldn't give /- ək/ but rather /- ə/ < / əx/  as in Clougha or Moota.  I think it is rather the Brittonic diminutive -og which was borrowed into English to create such words as bullock and paddock (earlier parrock, though parrock as probably purely Brittonic and a dimunitive from Welsh pawr, Cumbric por- "grazing", as Andrew Breeze has suggested.

The topography doesn't really suggest a ravine either

CLOFFOCK, a liberty (extra-parochial) adjoining

the parish of Workington, in ALLERDALE ward above

Derwent, county of CUMBERLAND, containing 15 inhabitants.

This is a large common, lying on the north

side of the town of Workington, and is completely surrounded

by the river Derwent and a small stream.

Races are held annually upon it; and at the west end

are a quay and a patent slip. A portion of the ground

is called Chapel Flat, whence it is thought to have

been the site or property of a religious house.

Source: http://www.melocki.org.uk/lewis/England/Vol1/e13393.txt

Strange that it was extra-parochial.  Cumbria County Council's archaeological survey here says there was medieval settlement here and remains on a 1589 map. However, most of the buildings were demolished after 1954. 

Chalk Beck NY331454

Chalk Beck  NY331454 Shauk c. 1060, Schauk 1285. Schauke 1381, Shawke 1578, Tyauk 1289, Chawke al. Shawke 1578. Names with -l- begin in 1619. The l is a hypercorrection, such as Falkirk for the correct Fawkirk, after the vocalisation of l after a back vowel in the 16th Century.

 Ekwall (Ekwall, 1960) suggests this is from  a root *scawen, compare Welsh ysgawen "elder tree", presumably in an adjectival form ysgawog "abounding in elders". In Cornish *skewyek and Breton skaveg (Padel, 1985). Padel mentions the Cornish place-name Skewjack SW365245 , earlier Skewyek. Deshayes gives an example of the Breton name Squiviec in Mûr-de-Bretagne

 Chalk Beck runs from Faulds Brow through Chalkplains, Chalkbridge, Chalkside, past Chalk Lodge then to Chalkfoot near Cumdivock before running into the River Wampool.  There is no chalk in the area. The area has a number of Cumbric names, though these may date from the 10th Century and Chalk Beck could predate the Northumbrian occupation in the 7th Century.

 The name clearly begins with a palatalised sibilant /t͡ʃ-/ though it may have been /ʃ- at one time from the earlier spellings. Ekwall's suggestions relies on the fact that earlier Anglo-Saxon  /k/ before a front vowel was palatalised and assibilated, e.g. Church, cf Norse Kirkja, German Kirche, Dutch Kerk. It is noted by Minkova (Minkova, 2013:87) that the process of palatalisation happened throughout the Old English period and was complete by the end of that period (c. 1100). She notes that the north was conservative and palatalisation was resisted there, hence the names in Kirk- rather than church, and dialect words such as kist for chest and sark for shirt. This resistance usually put down to Norse influence but as Laker points out, the Britons had no palatal consonants either and he finds evidence of resistance to palatalisation in Devon near the Cornish border where there was no Norse influence (Laker, 2010).

 Whether from Brittonic influence or Norse, or the one reinforcing the other, in Cumberland and Scotland palatalisation does not usually happen. It does happen in Northumberland however, which was not occupied by the Norse.  So, the palatalisation at the beginning of Chalk beck is unsual and unexpected.

 I had wondered whether it was identical with the Savick Brook, Savoch c. 1200, Safok 1268, which Ekwall considers a British river name (Ekwall, 1960). We would then need to explain the palatalisation of the s- to /ʃ-/ and the vocalisation of /-v-/.   Initial British s- usually becomes h- as in Hafren from British Sabrina, in English Severn.

 As for this root *√sab- , Rivet and Smith discuss that it appears in Savernake in Wiltshire and a river near Cork, in Old Irish, Sabrann and on the Continent, Sambre in Belgium Sevre and Sevres in France and a Gaulish graffito Ad Sabros.  They wonder whether *√sab is a pre Indo-European river name of unknown meaning.
 

Despite the unusual palatalisation, on balace, Chalk Beck may well be Cumbric Sgawog - "abounding in elders."

Camerton, (NY035305

Camerton, (NY035305)Workington Camberton 1174. Armstrong et al discuss Ifor William's suggestion that it contain cymer "confluence",  but there isn't one there.

 James (2016) considers it may containr cymer  or Cymry but is uncertain because of the forms consistently showing Cam-. He doesn't think it is. Cumbri - so not the farm of the Cumbrians. There is a Camerton in East Yorkshire and another in Somerset.  The Cumbrian one could represent Cam + bre  which would reduce to Cammer in local dialect. This would mean "crooked hill (brow or brae)" and suits the topography with English -ton farm added later.

 I am not wholly disuaded that Camerton is not *Cumberton - Cumbrian's Farm, because of the alternation between Cambria and Cumbria, both from Cömbri "Cymry, Cumbrians, Welsh". In the life of St Kentigern by Jocelin, they talk of Cumbria as Cambria. So it might still be "ton" of the Cumbrians and relate to 10th or 11th Century settlement.

 However, Cambre fits and this would seem to be an earlier name, perhaps dating from the Northumbrian occupation.
 

There is Cammerlaws NT655505 (with English hlaw "hill") by a bend in the river Blackadder.  

 The other option is cambus - a bend in a river. This fits. It comes from Celtic *camb- "bent" and in Southern Scotland as Cambus, it is common, always at a river loop. Camerton Church is right by a half loop in the River Derwent, so this meaning is attractive. but the Camber- is difficult to explain. There is Camberley, in Surrey, but that's late and Camberwell in London - by a bend in the Thames which Ekwall, to my mind unconvincingly, derives from Cranmere or Cranburna "Crane Lake" or "Crane Stream." Then there is Camber in East Sussex. Some of the Scottish Cambus names are by the sea. I wonder whether Camber is from a British Camb "crooked" + ber .  We see aber meaning "river mouth" literally "Flow At" and cymer "confluence, flow together" so camb + ber = "crooked flow" is possible.

Cardurnock NY175585 and Dornock NY230655,

Cardurnock NY175585 north of SIlloth. Cardrunnock 13th C, , Cardrunnok(e) 1387, Kardrunoc 13th Century, Cardrunock 1363, Caronock 1366, Cardirnoke 1437, Cardornoc(k).

PNCu p.,123-4

The elements are Caer "fort" or "stockaded farm" (Hicks, 2003). Hicks discusses the second element from Cumbric equivalent of Welsh dwrn "fist", so dyrnog "fist like". The Irish cognate dornach "thick as a fist". Welsh dwrn is not used to mean pebble, stone according to the GPC.

The suggestion is that caer was made of fist sized pebbles. PNCu refers to an excavation of a (Roman) fortlet made of fist sized pebbles, which are such a feature of the beaches on the Solway coast. Though Cardurnock is salt marsh.

Cardurnock is pretty much just a farmhouse and therefore supports Hick's view that caer in Cumbric did not mean fort necessarily (though sometimes it does refer to a ruined fort cf. Caermote, or a city - Carlisle.


Dornock NY230655, near Annan. Dronnok 1325, Drunnok 1377. Again a coastal site just the other side of the Solway from Cardurnock. Again, muddy salt marsh.
Dornoch ~ Dornock NN885185, in Perth & Kinross on the banks of the River Earn south of Crieff. This could be from Pictish *dornog or Gaelic dornach presumably both with the same meaning.


Dornoch NH804888 again by the sea, again in an area where there was P-Celtic Pictish before being overlain by Gaelic, so again either *durnog or Gael. dornach. "Pebbly Place", though the beach is pretty sandy here.


Watson discusses this element (Watson, 1926: 488)and he mentions Durnomagos in Gaul "Pebbly Plain", Dundurn near Loch Earn NN709228 "Fort of the Fist" - a very similar name to Cardurnock, possibly with the same reference to fist sized stones that made up walls? Apparently the dornagan singular dornag meant "hand stone" that could be used in battle. He cites Dornoch in Sutherland, Dornach on Loch Nevis, Dornoch Point in Cowal, and more.


In Ireland, we have Annadorn (4665465) near Downpatrick - Áth na nDorn "ford of the fists" and McKay notes that dorn might mean boulder but says that in Co. Down, dorn is applied to a rocky causeway or a shallow stretch of water (McKay, 2007). The online Irish place-names site says it is Eanach Dorn "Marsh of Fists" ? a bog with big stones?


In Wales we have - Rhos Dyrnog SH827006, east of Machynlleth in Powys - Rhos Drynog on OS maps, both old and new. However local businesses and megalith websites (Maen Llwyd) use Rhos Dyrnog. This could be Rhos Draenog "Thorny Moor" or "Rhos Dyrnog" Moor with Large Stones, if dyrnog "having fists" was used this way in Wales.

There is Clwch Dernog, SH337864 Clwch Dyrnog (1773) on Anglesey near Llanddeusant which according to Gwenogvryn Evans was previously Cnwch Dyrnog. Nearby are Bryn Dyrnog and Bodernog (< Bod Dyrnog?) So a conical hill with large pebbles/boulders?? It is a small round hill rising to 52m from surrounding marshland.

There is a river Afon Dwrnudon just outside Llanuwchllyn which flows through a hamlet, Dwrnudon. The Mellville Richards Archive gives historic forms as Rhyd Dwr yn y don 1754, Dwr-yn-udo ("Water which groans!"), Avon Dwrnydon 1700, Twrnydon 1700, Dwrnudo, n.d., Dol Dwrnydon, 1607, fl. dwer anudon usque hederiniaun 1191.

The Melville Richards Archive also gives Carreg y Dwn near Llangernyw which is 1638 was Carreg y Dwrn "Rock of the Fist", and Castell Cidwm near Betws Garmon which is also recorded as Castell Cidwrn. Maybe from Cildwrn - lower side of the fist? Used figuratively?

Anyway that's enough fun with Celtic fists for tonight.

…Caer Ddyrnog piau hi ar gyfer Cardurnock, heb os nag oni bai

Solway Coast south of Allonby.  "Dyrnau" ar y traeth ger Trefalun.

Bramcragg NY321214

Bramcragg NY321214 Bryrincrag in Fornesyd 1595, Bryamcrage 1614, Brian Cragge 1616, Bramecragg 1657.

 Whaley suggests three possible derivations 1) a reflex of OE brōm, "broom", 2) or ME brame "bramble" or 3) ME breme "rough, rugged." (Whaley, 2006). Looking at photographs, the crag is steep and rocky with scree and seems to have patches of bracken and gorse. I think 3) makes sense.
 

However, the 1595 and the 1616 forms show an -n rather than an -m. That made me wonder if it was the Cumbric equivalent of Welsh bryn "hill", Cornish bren, early Breton bren. Therefore Bryn Crag - "Crag Hill".

 But there appear to have been two syllables in the first element.  There is field name in Ainstable parish Braemdoo  (PNCu p171). The last syllable of this name looks like Cumbric dü or Gaelic dubh¸ while the first is not clearly Cumbric and more like Middle English breme. 

 Bramcragg is probably Middle English breme cragg "rough crag".

Cardew NY342493

Cardew (NY342493), Cumbria (There is a Cardew in Cornwall too)

Carthew c.1287, Cardhew (Gospatrick Charter), Cartheu 1279, Cardew 1345. This is Caer Ddü “black fort” and is a late borrowing into English. The name appears first in Gospatric’s Writ which has been dated to 1067 by Phythian-Adams (1996) and OE /y/ must have been unrounded in this area before then for Brittonic ü (/ʉ/) not to be substituted as /y/. See Campbell, (1959: 100), Jackson (1953:311), where Jackson cites Forster's view that names that show borrowing from / ʉ/ such as Glendue, Glen Dhu must be 10th or 11th Century. The implication from Gospatric's Writ is that Cardew existed in Moryn's (i.e Morien) time which is at least a generation back from the Writ, therefore early 11th Century.

Cardhew also shows lenition which is not normally indicated in English renderings of Celtic names until Cornish and Welsh names are Anglicised at a late date. The caer  in Cardew appears to be no more than a fortified farm. Again supporting the idea that Cumbric caer  was similar in meaning to Breton ker  and did not necessarily mean anything as grand as Welsh caer.   In Welsh, caer means "fort, fortress, enclosed stronghold, castle, citadel…" with a later development to mean "any trench of an old bank is called caer" (Hicks, 2003: 69). In Cornish ker means "a round", "an enclosed settlement" (Hicks, 2003: 70). In Breton kêr means "ville, village, hameau, (villa, village, hamlet) (Hicks, op. cit.). Davydh Hicks cites Kenneth's Jacksons view that caer in Cumbric probably meant stockaded farmstead rather than anything as grand as a fort or city. In this they prefigure the numerous pele towers and bastle houses that are found across the area, built for defence by minor lords during later centuries.

Caple How, Clifton NY040271

Caple How, Clifton  NY040271 There are many other names with Capel in them - Capplebeck NY065035 Caypilbecmire c. 1300, Capell Crag NY242118, so named in 1570. PNCu p.353 say the origin is from Middle English capel  'nag' and suggest it is 'ultimately' from Latin Caballus - itself a loan from Celtic.  Diana Whaley agrees that Capell Crag is probably from capel "nag" (Whaley, 2006). There is a Capel Fell near Moffat (NT165075), Capel Burn between Lockerbie and Langholm (NY25585), another one in Angus and a Capel Hill near Pitlochry NO035525 (in Pictish territory!) The same word is found in Scots, and the online dictionary of Scots lists cappel or capul as a horse or mare, in a more limited sense work horse. The Scots dictionary entry for cappel directs us to the word keffel  found in the English dialect dictionary  and found in Scots, North Country, Yorkshire, Warwickshire, Shropshire as an old inferior horse. The source of this is the Welsh ceffyl "horse".  It suggests that the word is from Latin and Gaulish caballus.

 The Scots dictionary gives the origin of cappel as from Gaelic capull ~ capall "horse", which the online Irish dictionary gives as being from Latin *capillus.

You will note the French cheval "horse" which is said to be from Gaulish *caballos with a variant *cabillos. The Proto-Celtic wordlist gives *kaballo- as one of the Celtic words for horse, a work horse.  The word entered Latin and was passed to its daughter languages, e.g. Spanish, French. Deshayes gives Breton kefel which is he says comes from Old Breton cefel and which comes from a Celtic *cappilos (Deshayes, 2003). Alan James gives a possible Cumbric *cefel which may be behind Capel Fell in Dumfriesshire, he suggests, supplanted by its Gaelic cognate (James, 2016).

 SImon Taylor and Gilbert Markus discuss Capeldrae  in Fife NT185975. They say this had been previously interpreted as Gaelic capall "(work-)horse" + Gaelic treabh 'farm, settlement' or its Pictish cognate trev. (Taylor & Markus, 2006) This was first suggested by William Watson (Watson, 1926) and accepted by Nicolaisen (Nicolaisen, 1976). Taylor and Markus draw attention to the earliest form in Capildrayth 1290 x 1296 and suggest it may actually be capall + Gaelic tràigh "shore" or its Pictish cognate close in form to Welsh traeth, and they note that Capledrae was on the southern shore of Boglochty, a large bog. Taylor makes the point that the first element may not be Gaelic but the Pictish cognate. 

And here's where it gets interesting. We see that the Welsh ceffyl has /f/ medially which must arise from a Brittonic *cappilos as suggested by Deshayes (The i- in the final syllable causes i-affection of the first /a/ to /e/ in Welsh.)

This change of -pp- to -f- in Welsh of voiceless geminate stops was the so-called second spirantisation (James, 2013).  This might not have happened in Pictish and possibly not in Cumbric (cf. Welsh peth Pictish pett- both from a British pett-). 

Laker discusses two mechanisms for Brittonic spirantisation (Laker, 2010: 72). He cites the traditional view put forward by Jackson (Jackson, 1953) is that all geminates became fricatives and the Welsh spirant mutation was brought about by the new /h/ causing gemination by sandhi between words.

Laker suggests an alternative mechanism  that it might be the /h/ caused spirantisation directly, and that the medial voiceless geminates had been already shortened but retained another feature ( if I understand him correctly) such as a preaspiraton or glottal stop.

So Laker may be saying  British *cappilos /ka^hpil → kafil/ "horse" in Welsh, (ignoring i-affection for now) and /i: ^hka^hpil → i: xafil/ "her horse".(Rather than Jackson's suggestion of /kappil → kafil/ and /i: kkappil → i: xafil/)

Am I right in thinking that, if Laker's suggestion is correct, and if observations that spirantisation of medial geminates did not happen in Pictish, that there would be no spirant mutation equivalent to the Welsh?

But the upshot is that if spirantisation didn't happen in Northern dialects of Brittonic, then Pictish, and possibly the Cumbric cognates of Welsh ceffyl could be ceppil (or even cappil if i-affection). I think this is what Taylor was alluding to in his comment about the first element of Capledrae being possibly Pictish rather than Gaelic.  

So the origin of Middle English/Scots capel 'a work horse" that we see in all these place-names, may be a Cumbric *capil rather than a Gaelic cappul. Cumbric rather than Gaelic influence seems possible in Cumberland and still valid in eastern Dumfriesshire.  The dialect word keffel would be the same word borrowed directly from Welsh.

But of course it may even be more complicated that that with an unrecoverable isogloss between West Brittonic ceffyl and North Brittonic *cappil lying anywhere between Peebles and Chester.

Knock Murton (NY095195)

Knock Murton (NY095195) Armstrong et al  (1950) take this as Gaelic cnoc  + the English place-name Murton. However it could be Cumbric cnwch.  Either way it was given to a pre-existing English name by resurgent Celtic speakers.  Surrounding names such as Banna Fell, Lamplugh, Low Pen, Mockerkin and, I believe, Cogra Moss are Cumbric so rather than an isolated Gaelic name I would see it as another Cumbric name belonging to this group.
 Knucklas in Radnorshire is Cnwc Las, there is Tancnwch in Ceredigion, from Celtic *knokk-  

Normally the Celtic geminate -kk- developed to /χ/ in Welsh, Breton and Cornish. However,Alan James reviews suggestions that the unvoiced geminates did not develop as spirants in Pictish cf Welsh peth for Pictish pett-. He also notes Kenneth Jackson's  suggestion that there was no evidence of -kk- to /χ/ north of Hadrian's Wall (James, 2013) If the geminated velar stop -kk- did not develop in Cumbric as it does not seem to have done so in Pritenic (Pictish) then the Cumbric cognate of Gaelic cnocc  would be /knɔk/. We should also note that the lowering of /o/ to /u/ before /x/ is a Welsh feature . There is a Cnwc at SO068011 near Aberfan. So in Welsh place-names we see mainly cnwch as we would expect but some examples of cnwc - possibly influenced by Irish cnoc, though still showing the Welsh /u/ not /o/ and in Cnwc Las part of an otherwise purely Welsh name.
 
Welsh cnwch or cnwc, Cornish cnegh or cnogh (Padel, 1985) Breton krec'h from Old Breton cnoch.

 So, the Cumbric could be *cnocc, (I don't see much evidence for a Cumbric cnucc) The English Place Names Society volumes on the Vocabulary of English Place-Names, vol Ceafor-Cock-Pit notes the Old English *cnocc "hill, hillock" - found in Kent and Sussex. They say this is a native OE word, but in Knock Murton, we have clear Celtic syntax which favours  a Celtic derivation for Knock, though Murton is a standard English name. 

I think this is a Cumbric hill name given by a Cumbric speaking population living alongside Anglians. 

It's worth noting also that Knock hills seems to be conical with steep sides, something like the hills called Dodd in English.

Carmalt (NY007284) and Caermote (NY202413)

Carmalt (NY007284)  and Caermote (NY202413)  - PNCu p455 Nooke, Carmalt al. Nooke 1725. Kirmalt oth. Nook 1749.   The source of this is apparently a map in Hutchinson, though I can't read it on the pdf I have (Hutchinson, 1794). It appears to be an alternative name for the Nook Street area of Workington. The name looks to contain caer. The street leads up to Workington Hall which was built in 1199 which is very late to imagine Cumbric was still productive in this area. At the same time it does not appear to be an Antiquarian coining - for example it is not spelled caer. I do not know of any earlier fortified site nearby. 

Sir Ifor Williams had suggested caer + mollt  "fort of the wether" but I think caer + mallt makes sense here too. In both cases the -l- has been vocalised as normal after a back vowel in this dialect (cf ball → ba' , wall → wa' ). Alan James agrees with Ifor Williams (James, 2016)

The Welsh mall (variant mallt) means "rotten, corrupt, mouldy, putrified" and Melville Richards gives several Welsh names apparently containing this element such as Cae Mallt in Flintshire, Glamorgan and Denbishire. Coetgae Mallt in Monmouthshire, Llwyn Mallt near Tongwynlais, Malltraeth in Anglesey "unwholsome strand" (Owen & Morgan, 2007) and very interestingly Castell Mallt at Painscastle in Radnorshire. I can't find it on the modern maps but it may be the Welsh name for the ruined Motte & Bailey there.  So Castell Mallt would be "rotten, putrid castle." 

The -t grows in Welsh words sometimes after the ll /ɬ/, e.g. dallt  from deall  "understand". So the form in mallt, I think, is another piece of evidence that the /ɬ/ existed in Cumbric too - though it doesn't in Cornish or Breton.

PNCu  linked Carmalt at Workington with  Caermote NY202413 near Bothel Carmalt 1777, Caer Mot 1784, Curmault 1742.  This is the site of a Roman fort on the fellside, which would be in ruins by the time Cumbric died out. 

Because caer is feminine (in Welsh at least) it should be lenited (mutated), but the lenition is not shown similarly to Carmarthen for Caerfyrddin.

I think Caer Fallt was a Cumbric name for a "rotten"  fort -  this is an extension of the Welsh meaning of mall but I think one that makes sense - a rotten, fallen-down.. 

There is a personal name Carmalt, which from the Latter Day Saints index was a Cumberland name with individuals from Penrith, Allonby, Bromfield and Greystoke recorded in the 17th Century.